Im
Younger Than That Now: Bob Dylans Fight with the
Authoritarian Left.
Gary Fraser
examines the ongoing appeal of the quintessential
rebel, and asks whether lessons can be learned from his
artistic battles with the traditional left.
Contemporary
pop culture seems to be infatuated with the 1960s to the point
where the steady diet of manufactured nostalgia actually stifles
new and emerging artists. Just look at any music magazine and you
are likely to find some familiar sixties icon, a Lennon or a Jim
Morrison, or a Jimi Hendrix, peering at you from the past. The
big stars of the sixties who are still on the road like the
Rolling Stones and McCartney simply trade on their old glories
and the audience expects no less. Sure, they still make new music
but no one is really listening. Could you imagine going to a
Stones concert and they only played material this side of 1975?
Out
of all the sixties icons Bob Dylan has proven to be the exception
in that he still has something to say. 1997s critically
acclaimed Time Out of Mind or 2006s
Modern Times are an equal match with anything on his
back catalogue. As an artist, Dylan has refused to be
pigeon-holed, something that has often infuriated his critics. He
has continually rejected the cliché labels attributed to him by
the musical establishment like spokesperson of the sixties
generation. His refusal to allow himself, or his music to
be labelled dates back to the early 1960s when he found himself
stuck with terms hanging over his head like protest
singer, or his music casually referred to as
folk.
By
the mid-sixties Dylan started to break with the world of folk
which was beginning to limit his art and reduce his voice. The
folk traditionalists responded by hollering cries of betrayal at
Dylan going electric. By no longer writing protest
songs, Dylan they argued had sold out. Rather than
his music reflecting the collective struggle of the times and his
albums being a top ten list of left wing priorities like the
Civil Rights Movement or anti-war songs about Vietnam,
Dylans music, his critics on the left argued, had succumbed
to bourgeois individualism. For a generation of
idealists who marched to We Shall Overcome there must
have been something despairing about Dylans classic
Like a Rolling Stone. No we shall
overcome here, just Dylan yelling that in todays
harsh world, you are on your own. During one
legendary Dylan performance one of the folk traditionalists
shouted out Judas. Bob Dylan appeared to have fallen
from grace for the folk music establishment and the cultural
left.
Recently,
there has been a number of works released that examine
Dylans break with the folk world. For example, Mike Marques
Chimes of Freedom: The Politics of Bob Dylans
Art and Scorseses critically acclaimed documentary
No Direction Home. Last year saw the release of
The Other Side of the Mirror, Murray Lerners
groundbreaking documentary which captures Dylan at the Newport
Folk Festival in the pivotal years 1963-1965, when he was turning
his back on protest songs. Lerners documentary
is revealing for it charts the evolution of Dylans songs
creating the space for the music to do the talking. What shines
through in Lerners film is the essence of Dylans
battle with the folk establishment; a battle which for Dylan was
the right to be himself.
Bob
Dylan is for me the quintessential rebel. He begins by rebelling
against his parents and the small town mentality of the cultural
backwaters of Minnesota where he spent his formative years. This
develops into a rebellion against the phoniness and hypocrisy of
America in the 1950s. Even today popular culture romanticises the
1950s which for many was something of a golden era,
before Watergate or Vietnam, or the Kennedy assassination, and
before a whole generation of young people went mad on
drugs. What is often omitted is that it was only a
golden era so long as you happened to be white, and
straight, and preferably middle class. Dylan, liked so many other
Holden Caulfields of his generation could see
straight through the hypocrisy. His journey led him right into
the lap of the American left.
Perhaps
as a response to the commercialisation of rock and roll, Dylan
became a beatnik, a radical poet and a folk singer of
protest songs. Once he was freed from the backwoods
of Minnesota he headed straight for Greenwich Village, New York,
the home of the radicals. Whilst his contemporaries were
listening to Elvis, who by this point was doing his duty for
Uncle Sam, Bob Dylan was somewhere else. He was back
in the 1930s and in search of the folk troubadour and mythical
left wing hero of the Great Depression, Woody Guthrie.
The
Bob Dylan of 1963 won the hearts and minds of the cultural left.
More than any other figure he helped to bring folk music into the
mainstream, giving it an edge and authenticity that so many of
his contemporaries lacked. In his early albums Dylan addressed
many of the concerns of the left. Masters of War was
a damning indictment of what was then being called the
military industrial complex. Listening to it today,
given the background to Iraq and Afghanistan and American
imperialisms reach across the planet, the song is as
pertinent and impertinent as ever. In Blowin' in the
Wind a song written for the Civil Rights Movement, Dylan is
not content on preaching to the converted, or humming perfunctory
lines about hope and salvation. Instead he talks directly to the
poor white man and asks him, how many times can you turn
your head and pretend that you just dont see.
He
addresses the point, often painted over by the left, that the
poor often acquiesce with the hierarchal system rather than
attempt to overthrow it. This theme is repeated in Only A
Pawn in their Game, in which he again attempts to
understand the racism of the white man.
In
1963s The Times They Are A Changin album Dylan
is introspective about the state of America. In The Ballad
of Hollis Brown he evoked the imagery of the Great
Depression in the tale of an individual so driven to despair by
poverty that he murders his own family. North Country
Blues focuses on the impact of the decimation of the mining
industry in his home of Minnesota. Even when on familiar topics
for the left, Dylan sees a darker side to life and seldom does he
slip into ubiquitous clichés about the future coming of the
Promised Land. In The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carol,
he points to the injustices of the class system told through the
story of a black maid, who in the words of the song never
sat once at the head of the table.
These
songs and countless others were lapped up by a young audience at
the Newport Festival in 1963. The audience, just like Dylan, had
seen through the hypocrisy of the 1950s and were hungry for
ideas. By the end of the sixties Dylans audience would be
burning their draft cards and refusing to fight in Vietnam,
calling it the rich mans war. Embraced by the likes of Pete
Seeger, Allen Ginsberg and Joan Baez, Bob Dylan had become a
prominent figure on the American cultural left and folk scene.
The label spokesperson of a generation, which would
cling to him like a bad suit for the rest of his career had now
been measured to fit. With Dylan established as one of their own,
the folk establishment started to reveal an authoritarian side.
They wanted to tell him what to write, what to think, and how to
talk. Dylan responded by doing what the radical does best;
he rebelled.
He
starts to see through the limitations of the folk world. Dylan
intuitively knows that there is something twee and sentimental
about We Shall Overcome. His world, reflected in his
music is harder, more cynical, and much more real. Captured in
Lerners documentary when the audience boos at him
going electric, or in the Scorsese film about the
tale of folk legend Pete Seeger trying to smash Dylans
cable with an axe and end his performance of Maggies
Farm, a story emerges about Bob Dylans fight with the
authoritarian left.
The
authoritarian left wanted music that symbolised, often crudely
and naively, the struggle between oppressed and oppressor.
Anything that was not about organising the masses or fighting
back against your oppressor was dismissed as bourgeois
individualism. The result, which is often to be found in many
folk songs, is simplistic sloganeering that conjures up a black
and white childlike world of good versus evil. Dylan rejected
this as a limitation on his music and his art. In Lerners
film, when the audience booed at his performance of Like a
Rolling Stone we are reminded that the young Dylan never
did what his audience dictated. Watching it on screen, I was
reminded of Oscar Wildes saying that good art should
never be populist, the public should be more artistic!
Dylan, like Wilde was always one step ahead of everyone else. By
1964 his music was changing and with it his relationship with the
folk establishment.
The
authoritarian left wanted to capture the artistic freedom of
critique and rebellion. Once it was captured they wanted to
organise it, discipline it and mould it into one block of steel,
to use Lenins term. The result was stultifying for an
artist like Dylan. Dylan captures the authoritarian tendencies of
the left in his classic song My Back Pages. In the
song Dylan acknowledges that he has grown up. He has moved on
from the black and white, good versus evil simplicity of the
authoritarian left. And in the process of growing up he has
become younger. In the song he sees through the simplistic
imagery of the left:
| Half wracked prejudice
leaped forth Rip
down all hate I screamed Lies that
life is black and white Spoke from
my skull. I dreamed Romantic
facts of musketeers Foundation
deep somehow. Ah, but I
was so much older then, Im
younger than that now |
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| Bob Dylan |
Two
verses later, Dylan deals with a theme which has continued to
haunt the left, namely how do you overthrow oppressive systems
without becoming a violent oppressor in the process? In the event
of revolution and the bloody seizure of power do the masses
become dehumanised? Does revolution make it easier to kill? Dylan
knew that there were some on the left that wanted to replace one
authority with another:
![]() |
In a soldiers
stance, I aimed my hand At the
mongrel dogs who teach Fearing
not that Id become my enemy In the
instant that I preach My pathway
led by confusion boats Mutiny
from stern to bow Ah, but I
was so much older then, Im
younger than that now |
| Soviet Art |
Read
one way, My Back Pages highlights the danger of
youthful naivety. Read another, the song helps to illuminate the
lefts experience of Communism. Rather than a society where
a higher quality of life was achieved the Soviet Union became one
of the most tightly controlled and organised societies the world
has witnessed. Before Glasnost, all cultural life was subordinate
to the party and the state. A new generation in the sixties and
beyond knew that after the experience of Communism in practice
and the terrible crimes committed in the Gulag the left could ill
afford to be naive and simplistic.
During
the twentieth century the attempt to implement socialism on this
model had a tendency to end up with barbed wire fences. If we
have learned anything it is that we need to be wary of the grand
leaders who promise us grand things. Dylan knew what he was
saying in Subterranean Homesick Blues when he
hollered Dont follow leaders.
In
1964 the year he wrote My Back Pages Bob Dylan had
turned the mirror onto the left itself. The left has a tendency
to idealise the dead, the corpse evangelists as Dylan
refers to them in the song. The authoritarian, andro-centric left
has wanted to wrap itself in the cloak of the dead father figure.
On an ideological level the left has engaged in a deconstruction
of religious ideas. However, at the level of human psychology,
there are many parallels between the authoritarian left and the
preachers of the gospel. The church has been substituted for the
party, Christ for Lenin, and Marx is perfectly cast as the all
knowing father figure. As Ralph Milliband once pointed out,
Dialectical Materialism during the era of Communism became a
formulaic catechism for the far left, justifying all sorts of
twists, turns and contradictions. The parallels with organised
religion are obvious. You just need to look at some of the
imagery and art of the Communist period to see that Stalin and
his predecessor Lenin were figures to be worshiped just like
Christ. With his corpse turned to iconography, forever on display
in the mausoleum, Vladimir Lenin, just like Jesus Christ had
achieved a form of life after death.
Awareness
of the tendencies of the left to become authoritarian helps to
guard against totalitarianism in thought and in practice.
Moreover, this awareness is at the core of democratic socialism,
and humanistic readings of great thinkers like Marx. The tendency
of the left to worship the dead and to look for authority figures
probably has a psychological explanation at root. To understand
more fully we might need a Sigmund Freud, or an Erich Fromm to
explain. Or maybe even a Bob Dylan.
Gary Fraser