Paul Cockshott, recently returned from
Venezuela where he attended an economic conference at the
invitation of the Venezuelan government, offers a valuable
insight into how some results in the physical sciences support a
Marxist economic analysis. Dr. Cockshott is a reader in
computing at Glasgow university and author of Towards a new
socialism.
How physics is validating the Labour
Theory of Value
When I was a student my economics professor
told us that whilst the labour theory of value had been an
important historical stage in the development of economics, it
was now known to be fatally flawed. 20th century
economists such as Sraffa and Samuelson had shown that it was
unnecessary to accord labour any special place in our
understanding of prices. Instead, the structure of prices
could be perfectly well understood as a result of the monetary
costs faced by firms and the behaviour of profit maximising
entrepreneurs. If there was in reality no such thing as
labour value, it followed that Marxs theory of exploitation
was an invalid incursion of moral prejudices into the
positive science of economics.
The professor who taught us this, Ian
Steedman, was actually quite left wing, an active member of the
Communist Party.
This is just an anecdote, but the fact that
even a prominent communist intellectual believed that the central
component of Marxs theory was scientifically worthless is
significant. In retrospect it gave an indication of how
poorly prepared the intellectuals of the movement were to be,
when faced with the very intense ideological attacks on socialism
which unfolded in the 1980s and 1990s.
But 25 years ago help came from an
unexpected source. Two mathematicians, Moshe Machover and
Emanuel Farjoun, wrote a book called The Laws of Chaos. Their
book gave a radically new way of looking at how capitalism worked
as a chaotic and disorganised system. Farjoun and Machover
had the insight to see that physics had already developed
theories to describe similar disorganised and chaotic systems.
In a market economy, hundreds of thousands
of firms and individuals interact, buying and selling goods and
services. This is similar to a gas in which very large
numbers of molecules interact, bouncing off one another. Physics
speaks of such systems as having a high degree of
freedom, by which it means that the movement of all
individual molecules are free or random. But
despite the individual molecules being free to move, we can still
say things about them in the aggregate. We can say what
their average speed will be (their temperature) and what their
likely distribution in space will be.
The branch of physics which studies this is
statistical mechanics or thermodynamics. Instead of making
deterministic statements, it deals with probabilities and
averages, but it still comes up with fundamental laws, the laws
of thermodynamics, which have been found to govern the behaviour
of our universe.
Now here is the surprise! When they
applied the method of statistical mechanics to the capitalist
economy, they found that the predictions it made coincided almost
exactly with the labour theory of value as set out in volume 1 of
Marxs Kapital. Statistical mechanics showed
that the selling prices of goods would vary in proportion to
their labour content just as Marx had assumed. Because the
market is chaotic, individual prices would not be exactly equal
to labour values, but they would cluster very closely around
labour values. Whilst in Kapital 1 the labour theory
of value is just taken as an empirically valid rule of thumb,
Marx knew it was right, but did not say why. Here at last
was a sound physical theory explaining it.
It is the job of science to uncover causal
mechanisms. Once it has done this it can make predictions
which can be tested. If two competing theories make
different predictions about reality, we can by observation
determine which theory is right. This is the normal
scientific method.
Farjoun and Machovers theory made
certain predictions which went directly against the predictions
made by critics of Marx such as Samuelson. In particular
their theory predicts that industries with a high labour to
capital ratio will be more profitable. Conventional
economics predicts that there will be no such systematic
difference between the profit rates in different industries.
When put to the test it turned out Farjoun and Machover were
right. Industries with a high labour to capital ratio are
more profitable. But this is exactly what we should expect
if the source of profit was the exploitation of labour rather
than capital. Their theory made predictions which not only
turned out to be empirically spot on, but at the same time
verified Marxs theory of the exploitation of the worker.
The next big advance was made by the
physicist Viktor Yakovenko, who showed in his paper The
Statistical Mechanics of Money that money in a market economy
played the same role as energy in physics. Just as energy
is conserved in collisions between molecules, so money is
conserved in the act of buying and selling. So far so
obvious!
What was not obvious was what this implies.
Yakovenko showed that the laws of thermodynamics then imply that
the distribution of money between people will follow the same
form of distribution as the distribution of energy between
molecules in a gas: the so-called Gibbs-Boltzmann distribution.
This sounds very scientific, but what does it mean?
What the Gibbs-Boltzmann distribution of
money says is that a few people with end up with a lot of money
and a lot of people will end up with very little money. It
says that the distribution of money will be very uneven, just as
we see in capitalist society. In fact, Yakovenko showed that the
distribution of wealth in the USA fits the Gibbs-Boltzmann
distribution pretty closely.
There is a tendency to think that rich
people owe their wealth to intelligence or effort, but physics
tells us no. Given a market economy, then the laws of
chance mean that a lot of money will end up in the hands of a few
people.
In fact, when we look at the USA we find
that the distribution of wealth is even more uneven than we would
expect from the Gibbs-Boltzmann law. If the Gibbs Boltzmann
law held, there would be millionaires but no billionaires. Why
the disparity?
Yakovenkos original equations
represented an economy that is rather like what Marx called
simple commodity production. More recent work by Yakovenko
and Wright has shown if you modify these equations to allow
either the earning of interest on money, or the hiring of wage
labour, then the equations predict a polarisation of the
population into two groups. The great bulk of the
population, the working class and petit bourgeois, follow a
Gibbs-Boltzmann income distribution. But there is a second
class, those whose income derives from capital, whose wealth will
follow a different law, what is called a power law.
Again, look in detail at the distribution of
wealth (in this model) and you provide exactly the distribution
predicted by Yakovenkos theory. This, says Yakovenko,
proves that Marx was right when he said that modern society was
comprised of two distinct and opposed classes: capitalists and
workers.
There is also a less obvious conclusion that
we can draw from physics relating to the flaws of market
socialism. By a market socialist economy I mean one in
which production is carried out by firms, either publicly owned
or employee owned, which are juridical subjects able to buy and
sell commodities by free contract. These firms are assumed
to cover their costs by selling commodities.
We can see from Yakovenkos work that
because a market socialist economy is governed by the
conservation of money in commodity transactions, and because
these transactions are substantially random, it would also have a
very uneven distribution of money. There to the
Gibbs-Boltzmann law would rule. A small number of firms or
co-operatives would end up with a lot of money, and many such
collectives or co-operatives would end up poverty stricken.
From this inequality a form of capitalism
would be regenerated. The richer co-ops would tend to
subcontract labour or services from the poorer, exploiting them
in the process, and so inequalities would grow. We see this
happening in China today.
When Lenin wrote: small production
engenders capitalism and the bourgeoisie continuously, daily,
hourly, spontaneously, and on a mass scale he was speaking
of peasant agriculture, but the same can be said of competing
independent co-ops.
Paul Cockshott.